Week 3: Race and Ethnicity

While the main focus of the 1888 Exposició Universal was industry (particularly local industry), bolstered by arts, culture, and science, the European and American imperial worldview was hardly absent from the exposition. Not much attention was devoted to the contemporary imperial aspects of the Spanish state—perhaps because Spain's empire was in such marked decline compared to that of visiting nations, or because Catalonia's regional identity got in the way—but one exhibit stands out for overtly epitomizing nineteenth-century concepts of European racial dominance and ethnological hierarchy.

In the 1830s, the Verreaux brothers, two French taxidermists, exhumed the body of a young man in modern-day Botswana, stuffed and preserved the body, and displayed it in their shop in Paris along with various examples of African wildlife they had brought back as well. In the 1880s the body was purchased by Catalan veterinarian, taxidermist, and later first director of the Barcelona Zoo, Francesc Darder i Llimona. In 1888 this taxidermied body, posed holding a spear, was the centerpiece of Darder's own exhibition at the Exposició Universal.

Pages from a book published by Darder in 1888 to promote his exhibit. Source: University of Botswana History Department.

It appears this figure, nicknamed "el Negro" ("the Black"; "el Negre" in Catalan) at the Exposition, was not controversial in the least during the Exposició Universal, nor for the subsequent century. After Darder's death, el Negro, along with the rest of Darder's collection, was donated to a museum in the small town of Banyoles, not far from Barcelona. In the Museu Darder, el Negro was largely forgotten until the 1992 Olympic Games, when African nations threatened to boycott the Games on account of the display. [1] In 1997 the exhibit was taken down, and the body was returned to Botswana and interred in Harare in 2000. [2]

"El Negro" on display in the Museu Darder, Banyoles, Spain. Source: University of Botswana History Department.

[1] Cress, Doug. "Mummy in Museum Stirs Racial Dispute." The New York Times, 5 Feb 1992.

[2] University of Botswana History Department. "El Negro of Banyoles." 2003. . Accessed 25 Sep 2011.

Week 2: Economics

The Barcelona exposition of 1888 was planned and took place in the depths of an economic crisis that hit Europe at the start of the decade, precipitated by plummeting grain prices. Albert Carreras writes in "La coyuntura económica de 1888," reproduced in the Libro del centenario, published for the exposition's hundredth anniversary: "The crisis consisted of the arrival to European shores of massive and growing quantities of wheat at prices dropping lower and lower. Wheat—and other cereals, foodstuffs, and raw materials—came from overseas: America (North and South), Australia, India, and even Russia. The rapid reduction in transportation costs as a result of revolutionary improvements in maritime transport . . . and in ground transport . . . profoundly rearranged the global agricultural markets, especially in wheat." [1] This crisis had been predicted by a prescient few as early as 1876, and a poor harvest in 1879 further raised fears, but the crisis did not hit until 1882-3. Spain, a major exporter of grains and other agricultural products, was hit hard.

It was in this economic climate that in 1885, Enrique Serrano de Casanova, who had represented Spain in previous international expositions abroad, went to Barcelona's Ajuntament (City Hall) to request its support and collaboration in realizing a international exposition in Barcelona. [2] The purpose was to celebrate and showcase Barcelona's and Catalonia's industrial prowess and to elevate Barcelona to the level of international renown that such growth deserved. In Camins Utòpics, Mei Vidal and Ferran Aisa describe Barcelona's recent industrial explosion: "In Catalonia, in the final third of the nineteenth century, a process of modernization far superior to that of the rest of the Spanish state had been implemented. The strong differences ranged from the economic field to the social, the cultural, and the political. Catalonia's modernity signaled a step toward a society of full-on capitalist development, similar to that already in place in the majority of western European nations . . . The chief difference between the Catalan economy and that of the rest of the state was that during the second half of the nineteenth century, industry became the dominant engine of society, while the rest of Spain was essentially rural." [3] Alejandro Sánchez writes, "Between 1888 and 1929, Barcelona placed its bets on modernity, or (essentially the same thing) on full integration into advanced Europe. Barcelona had the conditions for achieving this and plenty of reasons to desire it. Insert into a country as economically lagging and as socially and politically backward as Spain the city's own role as an industrial metropolis and as capital of a developed region, with a distinct identity of its own, and the desire to open itself up to Europe and to project itself internationally becomes clear . . . The Universal Expositions, true showcases where Barcelona tried to show the world the material gains it had achieved, were the vehicle used to realize this." [4] Serrano believed Barcelona merited an opportunity to celebrate its industrial growth and show it off to the world, and he believed that the rapidly rising Catalan bourgeois industrial class would agree. Indeed, Sánchez continues, "The dream of the so-called 'good families' was to convert their city into a grand bourgeois metropolis, homologous to the European standard. Because of this, they pushed for the Universal Expositions." [5]

At first, the Ajuntament was fully behind Serrano and authorized a modest financial contribution to supplement the funds Serrano had promised to raise. [6] However, perhaps because of the economic crisis, Serrano was unable to raise the necessary capital for this essentially speculative venture, and it soon became clear that the exposition, already under construction, was heading toward ruin. According to Joan Busquets, "The passage of time demonstrated the inefficacy of Serrano's group, and one could see that the direction of the project, technical and economic, was wrong." [7] The essentially private enterprise of one man had put at risk the prestige of the city and the region.

In response, Barcelona's Mayor Francesc Rius i Taulet took action. He went to Madrid, where he appealed to the crown and the national government to provide financial assistance, as a disastrous world's fair in Barcelona would reflect poorly on the entire nation of Spain. With promises from the national government, Rius i Taulet returned to Barcelona and galvanized the new industrial bourgeois elite, raising the money to put together the exposition in a race against time. [8, 9] Against all predictions, the fair opened in the spring of 1888 with most of the buildings complete, and was hailed as a great success. "One year prior, nobody would have believed such a display was possible," Busquets writes. Barcelona had demonstrated to itself and to everyone else that it was the leading European capital its emerging classes desired." [10]

This was a truly impressive feat, as the economic crisis that had struck Europe and Spain along with it was at its worst point in 1887-1888. According to Carreras, those years saw the lowest national income since 1872. However, in the year after the fair, 1889, Spain enjoyed a 15% increase in national revenue. Carreras concludes, "Undoubtedly, the exit from the crisis years from 1883-1888 depended in large measure on the protectionist stance of the Spanish economy. However, the positive change of direction at this juncture came before the adoption of the principal protectionist measures. The creation of an atmosphere of optimism would have already favored business expectations. It was in this context that the euphoria of the Universal Exposition of Barcelona—more intense for the fact that many had predicted it to be a disaster—influenced the moment even more: it forged an atmosphere conducive to business enterprises, and it spread optimism and confidence." [11]

[1] Carreras, Albert. "La coyuntura económica de 1888." In Exposición Universal de Barcelona: Libro del centenario: 1888-1988 (Barcelona: Comisión Ciudadana para la conmemoración del Centenario de la Exposición Universal de Barcelona de Barcelona del año 1888, 1988). 414. Translation mine: "La crisis consistió en la llegada a las costas europeas de cantidades masivas y crecientes de trigo a precios cada vez más bajos. El trigo —y otros cereales, alimentos y materias primas— procedía de ultramar: América (del Norte y del Sur), Australia, la India e incluso Rusia. La rápida reducción del coste del transporte como consecuencia de las revolucionarieas mejoras introducidas en el tráfico marítimo…y en el tráfico terrestre…trastornó profundamente los mercados agrarios mundiales, especialmente los trigueros."

[2] Busquets, Joan. Barcelona: la construcción urbanística de una ciudad compacta (Barcelona: Ediciones del Serbal, 2004. 160-166.

[3] Vidal, Mei M. and Aisa, Ferran. Camins utòpics (Barcelona: Edicions de 1984, 2004). 193. Translation mine: “A Catalunya, en el darrer terç del segle XIX, s’havia experimentat un procés de modernització molt superior a la resta de l’Estat espanyol. Les fortes diferències anaven des del camp econòmic fins al social, el cultural, i el polític. La modernitat de Catalunya significava el pas cap a una societat de ple desenvolupament capitalista, semblant a la que ja s’havia implantat en la majoria de països de l’Europa occidental…La principal diferència entre l’economia catalana i la resta de l’Estat era que durant la segona meitat del segle XIX aquí la indústria va esdevenir el motor dominant de la societat, mentre que Espanya era essencialment rural.”

[4] Sánchez, Alejandro. "Manchester español, Rosa de Fuego, París del sur . . ." in Barcelona 1888-1929: Modernidad, ambición y conflictos de una ciudad soñada (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1994). 15-16. Translation mine: "Entre 1888 y 1929 Barcelona apostó de forma decidida por la modernidad, o lo que era lo mismo, por la integración plena en la Europa avanzada del momento. Condiciones para conseguirlo las tenía y razones para desearlo le sobraban. Inserta en un país económicamente atrasado y social y políticamente retardatario como era España, su propia supervivencia como metrópoli industrial y como capital de una región desarrollada, con identidad propia y diferenciada, pasaba por su capacidad para abrirse a Europa y proyectarse internacionalmente . . . Las Exposiciones Universales, verdaderos escaparates donde se intentaba mostrar al mundo los logros materiales alcanzados, fueron el vehículo utilizado para conseguirlo."

[5] Ibid. Translation mine: "El sueño de las llamadas «buenas familias» era convertir la ciudad en una gran metrópoli burguesa, homologable a nivel europeo. Para ello impulsaron las Exposiciones Universales."

[6] Busquets, 161.

[7] Ibid. Translation mine: ". . . el paso del tiempo demostró la ineficacia del grupo Serrano y se pudo comprobar que la orientación de este proyecto, tanto técnica como económica, era incorrecta."

[8] Grau, Ramon and López, Marina. "La Exposición Universal de 1888 en la historia de Barcelona." In Exposición Universal de Barcelona: Libro del centenario: 1888-1988 (Barcelona: Comisión Ciudadana para la conmemoración del Centenario de la Exposición Universal de Barcelona de Barcelona del año 1888, 1988). 319-320.

[9] McDonogh, Gary W. "Barcelona 1888." In Historical Dictionary of World's Fairs and Expositions, 1851-1988. Ed. John E. Findling and Kimberly D. Pelle (New York: Greenwood Press, 1990). 100.

[10] Busquets, 164. Translation mine: "Un año antes nadie podía imaginar que tal alarde fuera posible. Barcelona se había demostrado a sí misma y a los demás que era esa capital líder en Europa que las clases emergentes deseaban."

[11] Carreras, 419. Translation mine: "Indudablemente, la salida de los años de crisis que se extienden de 1883 a 1888 dependió, en buena medida, del cariz proteccionista de la economia española. Pero el cambio de orientación de la coyuntura se anticipó a la adopción de las principales medidas de este cariz. La constatación de un estado de opinión favorable ya debía favorecer las espectativas empresariales. Es en este contexto que la euforia de la Exposición Universal de Barcelona —más intensa por el hecho de lo mucho que se había pronosticado su fracaso— más debió influir en su momento: forjó un ambiente favorable a las iniciativas empresariales, difundió el optimismo y la confianza."

Week 1: Architecture

Barcelona’s Universal Exposition of 1888 did not feature a unified architectural scheme, as the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago would five years later. As The New York Times noted of the 1888 Barcelona fair shortly before its opening, “the Moorish style…with the Neo-Greek style, predominates in all the buildings.” [1] One would be hard-pressed to find a unified architectural scheme that involves both Moorish and Neo-Greek styles; Barcelona was not an exception.

Indeed, many of the structures were built in the Neoclassical style so ubiquitous in western Europe at the end of the nineteenth century, while other prominent architects chose to build in the “Moorish” — or, more accurately, Mudéjar — style. The former adhered to the European architectural zeitgeist; the latter were in search of a new regional Catalan and national Spanish architectural style. However, the Arc de Triomf (Triumphal Arch), which was the primary entrance to the fairground, serves as a perfect example for architectural study of the exposition because it manages to stand with a foot in each architectural tradition, uniting Spain’s heterogeneous architectonic past in one structure: as the City of Barcelona’s website describes, it is a “triumphal arch built according to Classical proportions but with some materials and some ornamental elements that allow it to be called Neo-Mudéjar.” [2]

Josep Vilaseca i Casanovas, Arc de Triomf, 1888. Photograph by author.

The arch, designed by Josep Vilaseca i Casanovas and built in 1888 for the fair, has clear roots in Classical antiquity and the subsequent architectural tradition. Obvious examples of precedents include the Arches of Titus and Constantine in Rome, and the Arc de Triomphe in Paris, completed some fifty years earlier. In her catalogue raisonné of Vilaseca, Rosemarie Bletter points to a more local example, the Arc de Berà near Tarragona: “The proportions come closer to those of the Roman arch of Berà, Tarragona. The placement of the shafts and the extension in turret-like forms are quite reminiscent of the pilasters of the Arc de Berà.” [3]

Arc de Berà, Tarragona. Source.

The form of Vilaseca’s Arc de Triomf and its purpose as a grand entrance and monument are unquestionably Classical in nature; that, however, is the extent of Classical influence in the structure. The materials and ornamentation are not reminiscent of Greece, Rome, or Beaux-Arts Paris, but rather of the architecture of Iberia in centuries past. In Classical architecture, it would have been proper to cover the brick of the structure with plaster or stucco; the decision to keep the brick exposed and visible is a direct reaction to this. [4]

Josep Vilaseca i Casanovas, Arc de Triomf, 1888. Source: Exposició Universal 1888: Diari Oficial de l'Exposició, volume I, via Arxiu Municipal Contemporani de Barcelona, Ajuntament de Barcelona.

According to Bletter, the Arc de Triomf is the first time Vilaseca used visible brick in his architecture; he would only once again, in a much less prominent capacity. For the architects who chose to build in brick for the 1888 exposition, this was undoubtedly a bold move. Brick was placed on a low rung in the hierarchy of architectural materials and construction in nineteenth-century Europe, and due to its cheapness relative to stone, it was most often employed in the construction of factories and other utilitarian buildings — almost never for important public buildings. These architects did not choose to work in brick out of economic consideration: the purpose of the fair was to showcase the region’s and the city’s prosperity to the world, and the expense of stone over brick would almost certainly have been allowed, with Barcelona’s and Spain’s prestige and international standing on the line. [5]

Josep Vilaseca i Casanovas, Arc de Triomf, 1888. Detail. Photograph by author.

Vilaseca’s risk paid off, however. His Neo-Mudéjar/Neoclassical arch was featured on the cover of the April 30, 1888 cover of the magazine La Ilustración Artística, and described quite favorably: “The impression of the Triumphal Arch of Mr. Vilaseca is pleasant and reveals that the author has attempted—not without success—to harmonize the great examples of Classical antiquity with certain of his own ideas of Spanish art.” [6] Vilaseca’s arch and the works of his colleagues, particularly Lluís Domènech i Montaner, fueled a surge in Neo-Mudéjar and polychrome architecture which would eventually become a celebrated hallmark of the city of Barcelona. Bletter notes, “The International Exposition [sic], with its many mudéjar buildings, especially those that, like Vilaseca’s Entrance Arch [sic], were constructed in richly structured, visible brick, combined with glazed tile work, greatly facilitated the acceptance of polychrome and ornamental architecture.” [7] As Catalan architect Joan Busquets has written, “Among the permanent buildings [of the Exposition] Josep Vilaseca’s Triumphal Arch stands out, without a doubt, signaling the entrance from the new city; a masterly work in the use of masses of brick…[In 1888] architecture, like other arts, participates in the general illusion of change in Catalan society, and in this case expresses itself by recovering images from the past, from the Arab or Oriental world, from the Gothic or from vernacular architecture, which, along with new construction techniques, will give rise to an image of modernity and of the cosmopolitan society that industrialized Catalonia wants.” [8]

View of Universal Exposition with Arc de Triomf in background. In center of background is Lluís Domènech i Montaner's restaurant building, also of brick. Source: Exposició Universal 1888: Diari Oficial de l'Exposició, volume I, via Arxiu Municipal Contemporani de Barcelona, Ajuntament de Barcelona.

[1] “Barcelona’s Big Fair.” The New York Times. 14 Jan 1888.

[2] “Arc de Triomf.” Ajuntament de Barcelona. w10.bcn.es. Accessed 15 Sep 2011. Translation mine: “Arc triomfal segons les proporcions clàssiques però amb alguns materials i alguns elements ornamentals que permeten parlar de neomudèjar.”

[3] Bletter, Rosemarie. El arquitecto Josep Vilaseca i Casanovas: sus obras y dibujos. Trans. Justo G. Beramendi (Barcelona: Editorial La Gaya Ciencia, 1977). 55. Translation mine: “Las proporciones se acercan más a las del arco romano de Bará, Tarragona. El emplazamiento de los fustes y su prolongación en formas tipo torreta recuerdan mucho las pilastras del Arco de Bará.”

[4] Vidal, Mei M. and Aisa, Ferran. Camins utòpics (Barcelona: Edicions de 1984, 2004). 198. “L’Arc de Triomf, que era l’accés principal a l’Exposició, va ser construït per l’arquitecte Josep Vilaseca, que va utilizar formes mudèjars amb maó vist, com a reacció contraria al sistema clàssic de recobrir l’obra amb estucs.”

[5] Bletter, 25-26. “El arco…es de ladrillo visto, de disposición compacta, y con azulejos polícromos que dan una nota de color al conjunto. Es la primera vez que Vilaseca emplea ladrillo visto; no lo volvería a hacer, con la excepción de la Casa Enrique Batlló, donde emplearía ladrillos dispuestos en entrepaños lisos de una forma mucho menos estructurada. En el siglo XIX el ladrillo había descendido, por lo general, en la jerarquía de los materiales de construcción. Era más barato que la piedra y normalmente se utilizaba en fábricas y edificios igualmente utilitarios por razones económicas, pero casi nunca en estructuras públicas de cierta importancia. Por esto es doblemente curioso encontrar otros muchos edificios de ladrillo en la Exposición Universal, como el Pabellón Agrícola de Pedro Falqués, el Pabellón de Instalaciones Navales de Cayetano Buhigas, el «Umbráculo» de Joseph Fontseré, el Pabellón de Sevilla de José Corteza y el Restaurante de la Exposición, de Domènech. La cuestión económica no pudo ser un factor importante a la hora de decidir los materiales a emplear en esta importante exhibición internacional en la que estaba en juego el prestigio de Cataluña.”

[6] “Arco de Triunfo.” La Ilustración Artística, vol. VII, no. 331 (30 Apr 1888). Translation mine: “A pesar de lo cual, la impresión del Arco de Triunfo del Sr. Vilaseca es agradable y revela que el autor ha pretendido, no sin éxito, armonizar los grandes ejemplos de la antigüedad clásica, con ciertas ideas propias del arte español.” Quoted in Bletter, 25-26.

[7] Bletter, 25-26. Translation mine: “La Exposición Internacional, con sus numerosos edificios mudéjares, especialmente aquellos que, como el Arco de Entrada de Vilaseca, estaban construidos en ladrillo visto ricamente estructurado, en combinación con obra de azulejo, facilitó mucho la aceptación de la arquitectura polícroma y detallista…”

[8] Busquets, Joan. Barcelona: la construcción urbanística de una ciudad compacta (Barcelona: Ediciones del Serbal, 2004). 162-6. Translations mine: “Entre los edificios permanentes destaca sin duda el Arco de Triunfo de Josep Vilaseca, señalando la entrada desde la nueva ciudad; una obra magistral en el uso de las masas de ladrillo.” “La arquitectura como otras artes participa de la ilusión general de cambio de la sociedad catalana y en este caso se expresa con la recuperación de imágenes del pasado, del mundo árabe u oriental, del gótico o de la arquitectura popular, que van a dar, junto con las nuevas técnicas de construcción, una imagen de modernidad y de sociedad cosmopolita que la nueva Cataluña industrializada desea…”